In recent months, Google has justifiably suffered heavy criticism for selectively acting as internet…
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Google and Other Politicized Organizations Target 2nd Amendment and Consumer Choice

In recent months, Google has justifiably suffered heavy criticism for selectively acting as internet gatekeeper, deciding what Americans can and cannot view online.  Countless examples exist when the liberal Silicon Valley giant leveraged its  market power to censor along ideological lines, including:  banning the conservative blog The New York Conservative, hosted on Google Blogger, for opining on the trial of terrorist Khalid Sheikh Mohammed;  demoting pro-Brexit/Euroskeptic websites by pushing them down in search results;  excluding Donald Trump from “presidential candidates” search;  and blocking free speech social network Gab from the Google Play Store, alleging violations of the company’s hate speech policy.

The latest revelation of Google’s partisan bias…[more]

September 19, 2018 • 10:27 pm

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The System Doesn't Need to Be 'Fixed' Every Time Dems Lose Print
By David Harsanyi
Saturday, July 07 2018
Nothing is more chaotic than altering the rules every time you experience a political defeat.

If you're under the impression that the system exists merely to facilitate your partisan agenda, it's not surprising that you also believe it's broken every time things don't go your way. This is why so many Democrats argue that we should "fix" the Electoral College when they lose a presidential election and "fix" the filibuster when they run the Senate and now "fix" the Supreme Court when they don't run the Senate.

During the Obama presidency, liberal pundits groused about the supposed crisis posed by a "dysfunctional" Congress. In political media parlance, "dysfunction" can be roughly translated into "Democrats aren't able to do as they'd like." Congress, as you know, was only broken when President Obama wasn't getting his agenda passed, not when his party was imposing a wholly partisan, unprecedented health care regime on all Americans.

In any event, the political establishment spent six years wringing its hands about subsequent GOP electoral success, which was an organic political reaction that strengthened separation of powers and reflected the nation's ideological divisions. Although you'd never know it listening to political coverage, it meant the system was working just fine.

Yet many of the president's boosters, including Ezra Klein, then at The Washington Post, began arguing that not only was Congress broken (bad) but it was "fundamentally broken" (really bad!). By 2013, after Republicans had made gains in the Senate, Klein and others were arguing for increasing majoritarianism to "fix" the problem. It was the GOP's "unprecedented obstructionism" (a euphemism for disagreeing with Obama on policy) that supposedly left them with no other choice.

Now, if the majority of voters had been truly disgusted by "obstructionism," the GOP would have paid a political price for its actions. The opposite occurred. Perhaps instinctively, voters wanted a more ideologically balanced Washington. So Democrats decided the system was the problem.

What we call "norm breaking" these days was referred to as "reform" during the Obama administration. "Reformers" such as Klein and his allies persuaded Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, a man who had once argued that weakening the Senate filibuster would "destroy the very checks and balances our Founding Fathers put in place to prevent absolute power by any one branch of government," to use the "nuclear option" and blow up Senate rules on judicial filibusters so Obama could stack the courts.

"Thanks to all of you who encouraged me to consider filibuster reform," Reid tweeted in 2013. "It had to be done."

But then the unanticipated began happening. For one thing, the GOP won the majority, and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, despite immense pressure, refused to give Obama's Supreme Court nominee, Merrick Garland, a vote. That was well within his authority as majority leader, his constitutional authority and his ideological imperative to stop Democrats from transforming the Supreme Court into an entity relying on empathy over the Constitution.

This tactic opened a seat for the next president. Then Donald Trump also won. Unexpectedly. And guess what's broken now.

"The way we choose Supreme Court nominees is broken," laments Klein, now at Vox. "Here's how to fix it."

Klein isn't alone. Others, such as Harvard's Ian Samuel, are more straightforwardly partisan, proposing that the next Democratic candidate promise to add six justices to the Supreme Court to neutralize the power of the textualists and create a progressive court. Although the Constitution doesn't stipulate the number of justices needed and Democrats are free to make such promises if they like, you'd think liberals would have learned their lesson during the Obama years.

The real anxiety driving liberals is the reality of President Trump's getting another Supreme Court justice, the kind of nominee any conservative president would most likely have picked. This person will presumably help constrain progressive policies because many of those policies rely on coercion and unconstitutional intrusions into personal freedom. Maybe it's not the system that's broken but rather the left's agenda.

The arrogance of the age  maybe every age  is that intellectuals believe, by default, that they're smarter, more moral and more evolved than those who came before them. We often hear the left griping about the antiquated nature of the Constitution. It was Klein, after all, who once claimed that the Constitution is a confusing document because it is old.

We can disagree about the usefulness of Enlightenment ideas. But when Klein contends that the "chaotic, ugly realpolitik that followed Justice Antonin Scalia's death" necessitates a "fix," he is being transparently partisan. Nothing is more chaotic than altering the rules every time you experience a political defeat. And nothing says realpolitik more than attempting to "fix" a system for practical political concerns when your ideological goals fall short.


David Harsanyi is a senior editor at The Federalist and the author of the forthcoming book "First Freedom: A Ride Through America's Enduring History With the Gun, From the Revolution to Today." 
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Question of the Week   
Which one of the following asked “Which office do I go to to get my reputation back?”
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Quote of the Day   
 
"Christine Blasey Ford's lawyer has announced that Ms. Ford will not testify until the FBI completes yet another investigation of Judge Brett Kavanaugh that everyone knows will never happen.It was already highly unlikely she was ever going to testify; this is a convenient excuse, a stalling game. But it is more than the usual cheap political stunt. It's vicious, ugly, and more than slightly sadistic…[more]
 
 
—Roger L. Simon, PJ Media Co-Founder and CEO Emeritus
— Roger L. Simon, PJ Media Co-Founder and CEO Emeritus
 
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Which one of the following U.S. Senators do you believe behaved most dishonorably during the Senate Judiciary Committee hearings on the confirmation of Judge Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court?